133927 items (133923 unread) in 906 feeds
general
(24534 unread)
oman
(224 unread)
jordan
(986 unread)
uae
(1182 unread)
palestine
(40603 unread)
algeria
(202 unread)
bahrain
(1067 unread)
kuwait
(1631 unread)
israel
(24310 unread)
morocco
(11351 unread)
syria
(11429 unread)
iraq
(3429 unread)
iran
(399 unread)
lebanon
(2253 unread)
qatar
(866 unread)
yemen
(1092 unread)
Sudan
(21 unread)
egypt
(2504 unread)
libya
(235 unread)
tunisia
(69 unread)
turkey
(974 unread)
saudi-arabia
(1417 unread)
western sahara
(3145 unread)
6:49
4:42 
3:56 I just had a really frustrating phone call. A friend of mine recommended a ballet instructor for my daughter. She gave me the number and I called to inquire and the lovely British ballet instructor informed me that she could not accept my daughter because we carry Saudi passports. I asked her why and she said that there is a directive that Saudi girls are not allowed to learn ballet. I asked her if she was ever provided with a written directive that Saudi girls weren’t allowed to learn ballet, and she said no that she was verbally instructed. I told her that that is not true and that there are ballet classes at some gyms here in Riyadh. So she changed the story and said that she had instructions that Saudis weren’t allowed on compounds. I told her that I’ve been in compounds. So she again changed the story. This time she had the audacity to say that she can only allow “western” passport holders, not only once but several times. I asked her what to you mean by western? How about Pakistanis? She retracted “oh no, I do allow Pakistanis.” Finally she said that that the compounds that she gave classes at required her to provide copies of the little girls’ passports. That is an outright lie because my son went to a daycare at a compound and never once was I asked to provide a copy of his passport. And then she started bumbling like a fool that in Saudi she has to wear a abaya. I said but that is not determined by your passport, every woman has to wear a abaya.
Anyway this is the new generation of Western expatriate workers here. Before 9/11, the attitude was very different. People who came here actually cared about making an impact, and getting to know the people of the country. Now so many of them strike me as money-hungry elitist who look down on “the ignorant locals”. When the ballet instructor told me that she has to endure discrimination too because she has to wear a abaya, as a Saudi woman, all I could think is that she has it easy. It’s her choice to stay or leave the country and naturally she wouldn’t be here unless she was being compensated for the inconvenience of wearing a abaya. As a foreigner, all that is required is that she have on this light black cloak when she’s out in public. She doesn’t even have to cover her hair. What about all those Saudi women and girls who are required to wear a heavy, below the ankles tent style abaya with their faces fully covered? And these Saudi girls aren’t here by choice nor are they financially compensated, and at the end of the day they don’t go home to a five star compound where they can walk around freely and enjoy the sun. Really, the ballet instructor is the one with the bad end of the stick? It’s bad enough getting it from the muttawa but when the same people who condemn us for not fighting for our freedom, practice discrimination against us, it gets really frustrating.

3:24 (New York) - Saudi Arabia's Bureau of Investigation and Public Prosecutions should immediately drop "cybercrimes" charges against Nasir al-Subai'i for writing about his bureaucratic ordeal as he tried to get the government to pay for his brother's medical care, Human Rights Watch said today.
In early 2009, al-Subai'i began blogging and speaking to the media about the lack of support he contends he received from Saudi officials as he tried to arrange care for his brother, Muhammad al-Subai'i, who had been in a coma after a traffic accident in Saudi Arabia in March 2007."Saudi prosecutors are trying to silence legitimate complaints, which Saudi citizens have the right to make public," said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. "Public criticism of the government's alleged failures are an important check on its performance and a good tool for accountability."
Al-Subai'i claims Saudi officials in the Foreign Affairs and Health Ministries never implemented King Abdullah's orders to cover expenses for his brother's treatment in China, and to facilitate further treatment in the United States. After Muhammad had been in a Saudi hospital for five months, al-Subai'i took him to China on October 5, 2007, for a specialized procedure at Beijing's Naval Hospital. From there, he sent a petition to the Saudi Royal Court, the administration directly under the king, applying for reimbursement of his brother's medical and travel expenses. Documents show that the Saudi embassy in Beijing transmitted al-Subai'i's request via the foreign affairs ministry in Riyadh and that there was initial approval to pay the expenses. But the payment was never made, nor was further treatment he requested for his brother approved. Saudi Arabia funds necessary medical treatment for its citizens abroad if such treatment is unavailable in the kingdom. Many Saudi embassies have medical administrators on staff to facilitate medical arrangements, and occasionally provide services like transportation and per diems. According to a document provided to Human Rights Watch, King Abdullah, on November 21, 2007, approved paying for Muhammad al-Subai'i's treatment in Beijing and instructed the health minister to process payment. Responding to the king's instructions, the general manager for medical establishments and offices abroad under the Ministry of Health, Dr. Fahd bin Sulaiman al-Sudairi, ten days later requested detailed medical reports and expenses for Muhammad's treatment from the Saudi embassy in Beijing, another document Human Rights Watch obtained shows. The Subai'is left Beijing for Saudi Arabia on January 7, 2008, without reimbursement for their expenses. The consul has told Human Rights Watch that he dutifully facilitated al-Subai'i's request, but that the matter had remained in the hands of the Ministry of Health without a decision. Al-Subai'i denies that the consul informed him about the initial consent of the Royal Court. After returning from China, Nasir al-Subai'i sought further treatment options for his brother at London's Wellington hospital and the Rehabilitation Institute of Chicago, both of which provided letters of acceptance, dated November 12, 2008 and April 20, 2009 respectively. According to another document provided to Human Rights Watch, on February 27, 2008, King Abdullah agreed that the state cover Muhammad's medical expenses for rehabilitation in the United States, but the Health Ministry never approved this treatment, al-Subai'i says. His brother remains in a Saudi hospital bed, receiving only nursing, but not specialized rehabilitative care. Disappointed at what he perceived to be a lack of cooperation by some Saudi officials, on November 16, 2008, al-Subai'i filed a legal case against the Ministry of Health and Consul al-Shammari, seeking payment for Muhammad's treatment in China, and payment and facilitation of treatment in the US. The Board of Grievances, Saudi Arabia's administrative court, accepted only the part of the case against the Health Ministry, and only the part that sought future treatment in the US. The case is ongoing. Al-Suba'i subsequently created a blog, posted YouTube videos, and appeared on television shows of the Lebanese Broadcasting Corporation, and of Saudi Arabia's al-Iqtisadiya television, among others, decrying his failed attempts to have the state cover his brother's medical expenses in China and to provide further treatment in the United States. In particular, he criticized what he said was the lack of support from the Saudi consul in Beijing. Between March and May 2009, al-Subai'i had also sent complaints to the foreign affairs and interior ministries, as well as to the Royal Court. Prosecutors at the Bureau of Investigation and Public Prosecutions in Khafji on the border with Kuwait summoned al-Subai'i in late July 2009 and told him to sign a pledge saying he would not post anything further about the matter on the internet. Although he signed, prosecutors called him two weeks later, saying he now faced unspecified charges under the Law to Combat Information Crimes over allegedly libelous comments he made against the Saudi consul, Majid al-Shammari. He was released on bail. Saudi Arabia in March 2007 issued the Law to Combat Information Crimes, under which al-Subai'i was charged, which aims to "protect the public interest and morals," (art. 2). The law punishes "libeling others ... by various means of information technology" with sentences of up to one year in prison and up to 500,000 Saudi Riyals in fine (about US$135,000) (art. 3.5.), and "producing anything that of its nature contests public order ... or the inviolability of private life" (art.6.1.) with up to five years in prison and a fine of up to three million Riyals. The use of this overbroad law, violates the internationally protected right to freedom of expression, given that it is used in cases such as this when someone is commenting on a matter of public administration, Human Rights Watch said. The United Nations General Assembly in March 1999 adopted a resolution on the rights of human rights defenders, that protects the right "to draw public attention to [all human rights and fundamental freedoms]," (art. 6), and the right of "everyone whose rights or freedoms are allegedly violated ... to complain to and have that complaint promptly reviewed in a public hearing before an independent, impartial and competent judicial or other authority established by law" (art. 9.2.). Specifically, the resolution recognizes the right "[t]o complain about ... actions of individual officials and governmental bodies with regard to violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms" (art.9.3.a.). Any limitations on these rights must be "solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others ... in a democratic society" (art.17). Human Rights Watch calls on Saudi Arabia to decriminalize all forms of peaceful expression, including abolishing the criminal charge of libel. "The government has no business silencing exposure of alleged misdeeds by its officials by threatening to throw their critics in jail," Whitson said. "If anything, the state should tolerate a greater degree of criticism of public officials than ordinary citizens, without resorting to charges of criminal libel, which are so frequently used to silence critics."
2:58 
20:26
20:22
20:21
20:20
20:19
20:19
20:18
20:15
20:14
20:08
20:07
20:06
20:05
19:59
19:58
19:57
19:56
19:52
19:51
19:50
19:49
19:49
19:48
19:47
19:46
13:51 President Abbas and Prime Minister Netanyahu may soon embark on yet another round of peace talks between Palestinians and Israelis. Each leader, in his own way, faces daunting challenges, in part because he must answer to ideological constituencies which are vehemently opposed to the concessions which are part and parcel of the peace process. Netanyahu, for example, will face an uphill fight convincing his right-wing coalition to compromise on Jerusalem. And in a similar vein, Abbas could be relegated “traitor status” for compromising on such contentious issues as the “right of return.” And yet, a successful outcome of these talks could be the spark that lights the fire of change in the region, and for that matter, in the world as a whole.
As difficult as it will be to contain dissent from within, so much more so will it be difficult to contain dissent from without. Due to a number of factors, the Israeli/Palestinian conflict has been accorded a symbolic significance way beyond the four corners of the conflict itself. Chances are good that if the conflict would have been limited to a territorial dispute between two peoples, an equitable agreement could have been reached long ago. But because so many other players forced themselves into the picture, players who were not and are not directly involved, the prospects for peace have remained dim at best. And thus, parties outside the conflict itself, including extremist elements, have helped to keep the conflict alive, for their own purposes, and for a whole host of reasons, including the desire to divert attention from internal problems of governance, and as a way of consolidating political support for governments and groups which may otherwise have failed to garner such support.
The question arises, therefore: Given this debilitating cocktail of internal opposition and external pressure, what will Abbas and Netanyahu need to do to maneuver through this politically charged ideological minefield, in an effort to broker a peace deal? The answer may be that the negotiations themselves will have to be strategically positioned within the context of a higher and brighter vision for the future, within a Vision of Hope, so as to rise above the political fray, and beyond the restraints that have been imposed by domestic and foreign players. In other words, because the Israeli/Palestinian conflict has been manipulated to embody the ideological imperatives of so many diverse constituencies, Abbas and Netanyahu, if they are to succeed on peace, will have no choice but to sell a new vision to the man on the street, so as to elevate the negotiations themselves to a higher level, a level that rises above the crippling narrow agendas of the past.
What sort of vision would be required to give the peace talks a chance? Such a vision, a Vision of Hope, would have to be multi-faceted so as to address all the various impediments to peace. A Vision of Hope would include five parts, like the five fingers of your hand:
Ideology: If there are ideological forces at work which seek to impede the peace process, Abbas and Netanyahu should formulate and use a new ideology, a new framework for rational discourse, An Ideology of Common Sense, to speak to one another, and to the world for that matter, with common sense and with a sense of personal dignity. Words matter, and the right kind of words, used in just the right kind of way, can inspire a sense of hope, which will help raise the level of discourse to a much higher level. Instead of believing in what we want to believe, it may well be time to start believing in what makes sense. Instead of jumping to false belief and rationalizing why we’re right, why not use rationality in the fist place to arrive at what is worth believing in? In a more perfect world, common sense, the collective wisdom born of shared experience, will inspire our thinking and inform our speech. In our fractured world, common sense is the common denominator.
Investment: If extremist groups on both sides of the political fence use charitable handouts to consolidate political support, Abbas and Netanyahu should discuss, as part of the negotiations, using international investment dollars to create jobs: jobs which grow their economies, jobs which protect the environment, and jobs which help to weaken the hold of extremist thinking. The idea here is to win hearts and minds by giving everyone a place at the table, a stake in his or her future, in a sustainable world.
Hope: If the extremists in the region have worked to engender and sustain a sense of dread about the future, then Abbas and Netanyahu would do well to use An Ideology of Common Sense along with some well placed Investment Dollars to sell their people on a Vision of Hope, a vision of Peace, Prosperity, and Freedom. Luckily, the formula for world peace is not all that complicated: Ideology plus Investment equals Hope, and with hope all things are possible, even the impossible dream of peace.
Public Diplomacy: If the extremists continue to use their propaganda machine to disseminate hate, then Abbas and Netanyahu should not only sell a Vision of Hope, but should sustain a sense of hope by launching a series of public diplomacy programs which are specifically designed to prop the vision up, and to carry it forward, such as: a program to Empower Women, a Student Exchange, a Cultural Exchange, an expanded version of the Peace Corps, a Media Campaign, and a set of International Conferences. Take, for example, the program to Empower Women by financing female entrepreneurs and promoting women’s rights. Empower Palestinian and Israeli women in ways that they deem appropriate, and you will have changed the dynamics of the conflict. Who are women? They are the givers of life and the caretakers of life and as such are uniquely qualified to reconstitute their societies consistent with a Vision of Hope.
The Willingness to Fight: If the extremists, on both sides of the fence, use terror to impede peace, then Abbas and Netanyahu would do well to collaborate militarily, perhaps as part of a regional military and economic alliance, to stave off the threats from extremist groups such as Hezbollah, Hamas, and even groups in Israel which lean toward violence. If we already have to fight against the forces of extremism, and we do, then we will fight, and fight hard, but we will also position the fight within a Vision of Hope. We will raise the fight on the ground to a higher moral plain by giving the fight a moral clarity of purpose. People will fight harder if they know what they’re fighting for. We are not fighting a “war against terror.” We are fighting a war to realize a Vision of Hope. There’s a big difference.
If the upcoming negotiations are to succeed, there is no choice but to win the war for hearts and minds. Abbas and Netanyahu can maximize the chances for success on the peace front by daring to embody a Vision of Hope, and selling the vision to the man on the street. In fact, given the heavy weight from within and without, that attaches itself to the peace process, and the ideological extremism that has prevented any success in this regard, these two leaders will have to develop strategies to beat the odds, by beating the extremists at their own game. If they play their cards right, they can co-opt the extremists’ strategy and thereby marginalize them in the eyes of their own people. So, for example, if the extremists are ideological about Jihad, or a Greater Israel, or what have you, we will be ideological about Common Sense. If they invest in charity, we will invest in jobs. If they sell a vision of hope for martyrdom, or paradise, or additional settlements, we will sell a Vision of Hope for Peace, Prosperity, and Freedom. At every turn we will cut them off at the pass and beat them at their own game. In the final analysis, the ideological extremists on both sides will not be able to capture the public’s imagination, once people begin to imagine a better life for themselves. Some will say that all this may be a bit naïve or over the top. But as we are fond of saying: This may well be the time, before time runs out, to dream the impossible and to make the impossible come true.
For more information please visit our website www.sellingavisionofhope.org Your comments there would be greatly appreciated.
12:34
19:28
19:27
19:27
19:26
19:25
19:24
19:24
19:23
19:20
19:19
19:19
19:18
19:17
19:16
16:50
16:16
16:00
16:00